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Teaching nightmares part two: What happens when teaching in Thailand all goes horribly wrong. Retrieved. 13 June 2014. Bamberg, M. 2010. Narrative Analysis.

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City courts are called justice courts in Utah. At the time, the method of appointing and retaining judges was similar to Arizonas. Rick Schwermer, state court administrator in Utah, said that since his appointment as the states first justice courts administrator in 1990, municipal judges had complained to him that they were under too much pressure from city councils to raise money. We saw examples of a lack of judicial independence, Schwermer said. First a mayor would refuse to reappoint a justice court judge, and it just sort of seemed like there were revenue issues. The judge would say I got called in because I didnt make budget. These all point to judicial independence, but specifically that started us to a point toward we need to disentangle the judge from the money. As in Ferguson, the pressure to raise revenue was subtle, Schwermer said. No judge was told outright to convict more people to generate more revenue. Responding to those complaints, Utah Supreme Court Chief Justice Christine Durham in 2006 appointed a task force to review justice courts. Two years later, the committee recommended changes in the law aimed at uncoupling the money and the judge.

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Gordon estimated that 30 to 40 percent of the districts students also do not have reliable access to the internet at home. So in addition to developing plans for online learning, the district has distributed printed work packets along with free meals, and will soon begin mailing those packets to students home addresses. Tracy Radich, a fourth grade teacher at the Joseph M. Gallagher School in Cleveland, spent Tuesday and Wednesday going down her roster of 20 students, trying to call each students parents and make individual plans to help each of them learn from home. Some of her students families speak Somali, Swahili or Spanish, so she asked colleagues who speak those languages to help. So far, only three of her students have been consistently engaged with online lessons, she said. About six do not have regular access to the internet. One boy typically goes to the library to get online, but the citys libraries are now closed, too. She expects to interact with several students mostly through phone calls. School funding is typically tied to student enrollment or attendance counts across the country, but Ohio has unlinked funding from those counts, a policy that education experts expect most states to adopt in the coming weeks. In rural Minford, a town of about 700 in southern Ohio near the border with Kentucky, the district is distributing laptops as well as work packets on paper to students without internet or technology access, estimated at 25 to 30 percent of the student body by the districts superintendent.

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25 The civil rights movement in the US used boycotts, Freedom Rides, sit ins and marches to highlight injustice. Similarly, NICRA borrowed these actions and were successful in achieving the political aims the movement set out as well as forcing the issue of discrimination onto the Britishpolitical agenda and into the national debate. The Occupy movement has already had precedents for some of its tactics in Ireland. When a group of people pitched tents on the plaza outside Central Bank on Dame Street on 8 October 2011, for many the scene was not a new one. Inspired by Occupy Wall Street, which began its protest on 17 September,26 the tent was already a meme27 and the slogan We are the 99% already ingrained in popular discourse. But the 68 and 69 generation in Ireland would connect this to two earlier protests that of the Caledon Squatting in Tyrone in 1968, and the Battle of Hume Street in Dublin in 1969. The occupation of public spaces is symbolic, challenging as it does the ownership of that space, or to gain attention for a particular issue. In Caledon 1968, the occupation of a house by Austin Currie Nationalist MP, Patrick Gildernew and Joe Campbell highlighted the problem of discrimination in housing in Northern Ireland. The squat at Caledon in June 1968 was the point at which NICRA began a mass civil disobedience campaign in earnest. In 1969, students and lecturers from UCDs Department of Architecture, which was then at Earlsfort Terrace, took up the mantle of protecting Georgian Dublin and occupied a building at Number 45 Stephens Green, which was earmarked for demolition and the building of new office blocks there. But the occupation was part of a bigger issue, and not just about preservation.